AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE EVOLUTION OF ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1. Background of the study

Elections for both federal and state political posts are held on a regular basis in the country of Nigeria, which is organized as a federation of thirty-six states. The Senate and the House of Representatives are the two branches of government that make up the Nigerian National Assembly (Eso, 2020). There are three senatorial districts in each of the thirty-six states, and the Federal Capital, Abuja, is regarded as one district, bringing the total number of senators to 109. The number of senators is determined by the distribution of these senatorial districts. For the purpose of determining who would sit where in the House of Representatives, Nigeria is split into 360 federal constituencies. There is one representative for each of these districts in the House of Representatives. For the purposes of electing the president, the whole federation is counted as a single voting constituency, and anybody who is qualified to vote for a member of a legislative house also has the right to cast a ballot in presidential elections. There is a legislative body in each state that is known as a House of Assembly. The number of members in this body may range anywhere from 24 to 40, and they are intended to reflect an equitable distribution of the total number of citizens. Each state is regarded to be one constituency for the purposes of gubernatorial elections, and everyone who is entitled to vote in state Assembly elections is eligible to vote in the gubernatorial elections as well. Elections for these elected political offices in Nigeria are held in three parts on a cycle of every four years: elections for the National Assembly, elections for the presidency, and elections for gubernatorial and state Assembly positions. Elections are essential to the maintenance of democracy in every nation because they provide the people the opportunity to choose who will represent them and rule them. Elections are used to choose candidates to serve in elected positions at all three levels of government in Nigeria: federal, state, and local. In their study, Kuye et al. (2019) emphasized that the integrity of the election process is vital to the integrity of democracy. As a consequence, the electoral process of a nation has to be clear and understandable enough to allow voters and candidates to accept the outcomes (Ojo, 2019). On the other hand, the electoral process in Nigeria is fraught with a great deal of difficulty. The most significant issues are as follows: the names of certain registered voters are missing; people are intimidated and denied their right to vote; voters under the age of 18 and multiple votes are cast; ballot boxes are stolen or destroyed; and results are miscalculated and fabricated. In light of this, Nigeria has made a concerted effort to reform her model of election in a way that solves urgent concerns of their democratic imperatives such as accountability, representation, and political stability. Nigeria has taken these steps deliberately (Reynolds, 2020).

Following the adoption of Clifford's constitution in 1922, the first elections in Nigeria's history took place in 1923. At that time, an electoral system was developed to manage elections for four legislative seats in Lagos and one in Calabar. It was structured as a limited franchise that cost one hundred pounds each year. There were no significant changes made to the electoral criteria in 1946, with the exception of a lowering in the minimum income requirement to fifty pounds. The introduction of party politics by Macpherson's constitution in 1951 was a significant turning point in the history of electioneering in Nigeria. This change paved the way for the political parties that contested elections to develop into regional Assemblies. This event was a major landmark in the history of electioneering in Nigeria. The parties were as follows: The Action Group (AG), which was headed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and was in control of the Western Region; The Northern Peoples' Congress (NPC), which was headed by Sir Ahmadu Bello and was in control of the Northern Region; and the National Convention of Nigerians and Cameroons (later National Convention of Nigerian Citizens) (NCNC), which controlled the Eastern Region. It was modified during the 1959 Federal elections, when the East and West adopted universal adult suffrage, and only the North used male adult suffrage, but it was used during the 1954 and 1959 regional elections in the East and West. In addition, universal adult suffrage was used in the 1954 and 1959 regional elections in the West (Kuye et al., 2019). All of the information presented above is meant to demonstrate to you that the election process and institutions, as well as their administration in Nigeria, trace back to the time when the country was still under colonial rule. The Electoral Commission of Nigeria was the first electoral agency to be founded in Nigeria with the purpose of managing the administration and conduct of elections in the country. The ECN was responsible for the administration and management of the conduct of the general elections that took place in 1959 before Nigeria gained its independence. These elections marked the beginning of Nigeria's first republic. During the time of the First Republic, the organization in question was given the name of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEC) by the government of the late Sir Abubakar Tafawa-Balewa. The Commission was responsible for directing the contentious General Elections that took place in 1964 as well as the West Regional Election that took place in 1965. Both the method in which the two elections were run and the problems that were sparked as a result of those elections contributed to the downfall of the First Republic. In anticipation of the elections that would take place in 1979, the government led by General Olusegun Obasanjo formed the Federal Election Commission (FEDECO). The military in 1983 decided to disband the commission that had been established in 1978 due to the commission's obvious partiality and culpability in the massively rigged 1983 elections. These elections saw the return of the then-incumbent President Shehu Shagari to power in what was described at the time as "a land slide victory." In spite of the fact that the administration of Alhaji Shehu Shagari established the Justice Ovie Whiskey Panel to investigate allegations of electoral fraud in the 1979 elections and to make recommendations to guard against the same in future elections, the panel delivered a poor performance. This was the case despite the fact that the panel was charged with making recommendations to guard against the same in future elections. The failure of the elections in 1983 led to the military overthrowing Alhaji Shagari's government on the 31st of December, 1983. This occurred as a direct result of the election. The government of Muhammadu Buhari did not trouble itself with a political transition program because, according to its perception of the situation the country is in and its leaders' scorn for politicians, there is no need for such a program. On the other hand, when General Babangida took office on August 27, 1985, he committed his government to a policy of transitioning to civil rule (Reynolds, 2020). After receiving the report from the Political Bureau in 1987, he formed the National Electoral Commission (NEC), which was first led by Professor Eme Awa and was subsequently taken over by Professor Humphrey Nwosu. During General Babangida's showy and delayed transition process, the commission was given the job of supervising the election process, and they were saddled with this role (Kuye et al., 2019). Even though the National Electoral Commission was successful in conducting elections for municipal, state, and national assemblies, the nullification of the presidential election in June 1993 cast doubt on the legitimacy of the whole transition program. Although Chief Abiola was not allowed to win the election, Professor Nwosu confirmed in a book that was published in 2008, fifteen years after the presidential election in 1993, that Chief Abiola did in fact win the election. This is information that the majority of Nigerians are aware of, even though it is not officially recognized..Therefore, the study investigates the evolution of elections in Nigeria.

1. 1. Statement of the problem

The conduct and administration of the election process in the nation is the responsibility of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. INEC was able to effectively run the series of elections that were necessary for the country to transition into its Fourth Republic in 1999. The commission was also responsible for conducting the second general elections in 2003, which were met with some level of opposition. As was to be expected, INEC seemed to have mastered both the art and science of manipulating the elections during the general elections that took place in 2007 and 2011. In 2003, the attitude that election authorities had toward a candidate was the most important factor in determining their success. In fact, the phrase "those who vote decide nothing but those who count decide everything" became a popular way to describe the farce that is the election process in 2003, 2007, and 2011. (William , 2021). When the results of the election were released in 2007, the previous president referred to the election as a "do or death event." It is little surprise that the opposition parties were almost completely eliminated from the political landscape as a consequence of the election. The legal disputes that arose as a result of the results of the general election in 2011 have not been resolved to everyone's satisfaction in all electoral tribunals over three years after those elections were held. In order for democracy to continue existing in the world, this cannot stand. It is clear by looking at the history of elections in Nigeria, which begins with the First Republic and continues up to the present day, that Nigeria has used many models of election up until the one that is now being used. Hence, the study seeks to investigation into the evolution of elections in Nigeria.

1.3 Objective of the study

The primary objective of the study is to investigation into the evolution of elections in Nigeria. The specific objectives is as follows:

1. To examine the 1999 general elections in Nigeria.

2. To investigate the challenges in the 2007 general elections in Nigeria.

3. To examine the electoral violence during the 2015 general elections in Nigeria.

4. To investigate the challenges of the independent national electoral commission in the 2019 general elections.

1.4 Research Questions

The following questions have been prepared for the study:

1. What are the challenges in the 2007 general elections in Nigeria?

2. Were there electoral violence during the 2015 general elections in Nigeria?

3. What were the challenges of the independent national electoral commission in the 2019 general elections?

1.5 Significance of the study

This study is significant to the Nigeria populace and students as it will expose them to past general elections in Nigeria and its challenges, the study will also propose strategies that will reduce electoral violence in Nigeria.

The study is significant to the academic community as it will contribute to the existing literature.

1.6 Scope of the study

The study will examine the 1999 general elections in Nigeria. The study will also investigate the challenges in the 2007 general elections in Nigeria. The study will further examine the electoral violence during the 2015 general elections in Nigeria. Lastly, the study will investigate the challenges of the independent national electoral commission in the 2019 general elections.

1.7 Limitation of the study

Like in every human endeavour, the researchers encountered slight constraints while carrying out the study. Insufficient funds tend to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature, or information and in the process of data collection (internet, questionnaire, and interview), which is why the researcher resorted to a moderate choice of sample size. More so, the researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic work. As a result, the amount of time spent on research will be reduced

1.8 Definition of terms

Election: a formal and organized choice by vote of a person for a political office or other position.